The country is restless. The incumbent is deemed corrupt. There floats about dark rumours of the incumbent’s family using their powerful relative’s name for personal gain. Extra-judicial killings are rife. The constitution has been used callously to ensure the incumbent’s grip on power, subverting the people’s mandate.
Then something extra-constitutional happens: self-appointed saviours with self-appointed mandates enter the picture.
Now depending on the details – 1975, 2007, Awami League, BNP, Sheikh Kamal, Tareq Rahman, BKSAL, rigged elections – what happens next is either bloody or bloodless (save a rumoured broken nose). That is a very important difference, especially to the families, friends and admirers of those who died on August 15th, 1975. But leaving aside that important difference for the sake of analyzing events from a constitutional/political perspective, there are more similarities than dissimilarities: a bunch of appointed, armed bureaucrats deposed their elected civilian masters “for the sake of the people” on both these occasions.
Given the similarity, you would expect the wronged party of 2007 to have some sympathy for the wronged party of 1975. And vice versa.
You would, of course, be wrong.
Welcome to the bizarre world of AL-BNP “politics”. To the inhabitants of this world, these two sides are like night and day, white and black, Tom and Jerry, matter and anti-matter, Baker Bhai and the Kuttawali. Or to use their favourite false dichotomy – ahem – Mujib and Zia. All this speaks of a zero-sum mentality: i.e. a victory for one side is automatically the other’s defeat, the grief of the one is the other’s cause for jubilation. It’s classic zero-sum mentality, even though at this moment they are not involved in a zero-sum game.
Let them eat cake
As everyone knows by now, BNP celebrated Mrs. Zia’s “birthday” on August 15th this year with the kind of pomp reserved for election wins. They did not do it privately as befits birthdays, fake ones included. They did not do it silently. While one part of our population grieves the murder of a pre-teenage boy and his sister-in-law with child among others, the other goes to Modhur Canteen to cut cake, to NAM apartments to cut cake and to the Central Jail to give gifts (and maybe throw cake through the bars?). In between licking icing from their lips, this latter half issues big speeches against the unconstitutionality of the current government and how they must free their leader.
We will call this second half of our population the irony-free, the supremely stupid or the supremely malicious.
For they seem gloriously ignorant that their cake-cutting-giving-throwing-licking validates the following:
1. It is absolutely fine for the military to intervene in the nation’s politics if they deem it right.
2. It is absolutely fine for the military to remove/neuter a sitting head of state they do not like.
3. And therefore, 1/11, the day Khaleda Zia and Arafat Rahman were arrested are worthy of being celebrated through cake. (Chocolate cake of course since BNP seems to hand out vanilla.) Double chocolate for the first day Tareq complained of spine problems. I leave AL leaders to manufacture some personal milestones on those dates.
Forget the tastelessness of handing out cake on the day your political opponent’s family members were brutally murdered. I am not here to fault the BNP leadership’s taste (or lack thereof), but to criticize their lack of real political messages. The “politics” it is now practising is best described as “tribalism”.
Look, I’m from Dhaka. I know how it is. When I’m on a rickshaw, I swear at cars honking behind me. When I’m in a car, I swear at the rickshaws blocking my way. Dhaka is not a city made for empathy. So I’m not about to ask the current BNP leadership to put themselves in Sheikh Hasina’s shoes and consider how all this affects her. I do not expect empathy from them, and unlike others, I do not expect mature political judgement from Mrs. Zia who could have stopped these celebrations dead in their tracks years ago had she wanted.
I am going to appeal to BNP’s own self-interest to restrain from these celebrations of something or other on August 15th. They may claim to celebrate a birthday, but anyone alive in Bangladesh through the 80s and 90s know the horror they actually celebrate.
Now, that horror has been perpetrated on them as well, slightly less horrifically. Maybe they cannot see it, but we onlookers can. And their celebrations make them seem either ignorant or hypocritical. I, for one, suspect them of being both.
The Irony of Being Naya Diganta – Part Deux
It did not stop with cake however. Naya Diganta on August 15th and 16th revealed the anti-Mujib consensus – and not some newly-minted birthday – that is really behind these celebrations.
For those not familiar with Naya Diganta, it is the media flavour of the year for the BNP-JI or JI-BNP (as you please). Perusing this rag of a newspaper on those two days was like being back in the 80s and early 90s. The coverage and editorial pages on those two days revealed the old consensus that what happened on August 15th was justified and not worthy of mourning. It cast quite a substantial shadow on the cakes, tainting them forever in my eyes.
In a move that put it one grade above BTV, Naya Diganta ran an article on “National Mourning Day” using the title “Bongobondhu”. That was the last good thing they did for the next 48 hours. Inside, on the editorial page, there was little mention or discussion of the tragedy. Fair enough. I do not believe in forcing people to mourn.
But was there really any need for an eulogy to Anwar Zahid at all? That too, on this day of all days? Even Weekly Holiday waited a week!
A Peking-ponthi Rajakar, Anwar Zahid had served as information minister under Ershad. Enough said I believe.
As with party activists, so with partisan media. Naya Diganta has a diminished sense of irony as we have previously discovered. The very next day, Mr. Farhad Mazhar was back expressing concern for Khaleda Zia and hoping she would enjoy it in jail.
I repeat, because this might take some time to sink in: the newspaper that cannot run a decent analysis of the events of August 15th 1975, that publishes an eulogy for a collaborator against our state and then against our democracy is running an op-ed asking for a return to democracy and freedom for the head of the party of Bangladeshi nationalism.
(To add to the irony, above-mentioned dictator is now the lap-dog of the Awami League!)
বড়ই বিচিত্র আমাদের এই দেশ!
In all of this, I am really curious about Mr. Farhad Mazhar’s feelings on occupying the same editorial page a day after it played host to a eulogy for a Minister of Ershad. There’s consistency for you!
All this combined to make unpalatable this last page article about a seminar hosted in the city that called August 15th “the inevitable historical outcome” of Mujib’s misgovernance. But as the report makes clear, these people had a substantially different view of 1/11. By itself I would not have complained about this article, since it is a valid piece of journalism. But seeing how 15th August was covered by the newspaper, seeing how BNP went crazy for cake, and seeing how this newspaper is BNP-ponthi (mildly put), it was hard to treat this as anything but the anti-Mujib consensus that was in vogue throughout the 80s and the 90s.
The times they are a’changin’
This is an educated guess on my part, so I don’t have much to back this up other than anecdotal, sporadic evidence.
The consequences of BNP’s deliberate lack of respect towards Sheikh Mujib are two-fold. As already stated, it makes their criticism of 1/11 and their recent calls for democracy sound very, very hollow indeed. On another front, I believe that they have lost a part of the youth vote through their shenanigans. Maybe it will not show this year round, but it will show in the next decade (provided we actually hold elections!).
For somewhere in the last 7-8 years Sheikh Mujibur Rahman has metamorphosized from being an Awami League symbol to a national symbol. Not for everyone certainly. But in the eyes of a substantial part of those born since 1971, it seems to have happened.
There are a few factors at work behind this. For one, the anti-Mujib consensus has taken a battering thanks to the “Textbook Wars” and “Portrait Wars”. It made Generation-71 sit up and realize that perhaps we cannot trust the authorities to tell us the truth, that perhaps we had to find it ourselves. And Awami League had been “the authorities” for only 5 of the years since Sheikh Mujib’s demise.
There are two versions of the anti-Mujib consensus: the light version is summarised as “good leader, bad administrator”. The stronger/darker version is summarised as “he got what was coming to him”. The stronger version has all but disappeared, confined to the fringe elements.
If this change had taken place only in Awami League circles, I would not have been surprised. But rare is it to find the young BNP-ite who thinks similarly, and Tacit’s recent, much-appreciated uncategorical reply to a question I posed on this matter confirms that at least one BNP-leaning blogger feels that way.
The truth is that the light anti-Mujib version does not stop BNP supporters and activists from supporting their party. The light-version does not stop the general public from paying him their respects even as they assess Mujib’s legacy critically.
The other factor at work is the media. For one, it has worked as a marketplace of competing ideas. Most importantly, it has allowed Awami Leaguers to fight against disinformation about Mujib. Even in the 80s/90s one could find the BNP leader, activist or supporter who spoke sensibly and respectfully about Mujib. The media has worked in disseminating their views on Mujib (very silently – say on a talk show, or the margins of a talk show) making it halal for BNP-ites to express their admiration of him.
For another, the media has worked as a barometer of popular feelings. Mujib sells. Which is why, on August 15th, March 7th and January 10th between 2001-2006, while BTV remained silent under government pressure, the BNP-owned/leaning channels – such as NTV, RTV or Channel-1 – devoted substantial amounts of air-time or news-time to Sheikh Mujib. The market punishes those who do not cater to demand, you see.
Generation-71 was at most only 4-5 years old when Sheikh Mujib died. Most have no memories of him whatsoever. If you really think about it, people born in 1989-90 are eligible to vote this year. How relevant is Mujib’s alleged “misgovernance” to these folks? How important is Mujib as a figure around whom our nationalism coalesces despite differing political views? As Rumi bhai pointed out, we did not have to deal with this colossus of a man, so we are much more ready to see his achievements and forget the rest. And we are in the majority.
“একবার মরি, দু’বার মরি না”
There is no reason why this trend should continue. Awami League is more than capable of losing such goodwill towards them through over-selling and over-use of the Sheikh Mujib “brand” and through associating him in the public eye with every little policy mistake or big, Ershad-size ones, should they come to power. They can even damage his historical stature through their own over-adulation, their dynastic narrative and their own over-zealous propaganda. For instance, why is there so little mention of Bhashani or Suhrawardy on Awami League’s founding anniversary, except to push the dynastic narrative?
But the options for BNP are limited indeed. Khandoker Delwar Hossain, in between eating cake, told reporters that they have separate programs for National Mourning Day. Which prompts one to say: সেক্রেটারি শাব, নমুনা তো কিসুই দেখলাম না। Instead I saw cake, I saw one BNP-leaning outlet’s absolute silence and I saw a conference justifying murder. It has become high time for BNP to start distancing themselves from these little games, which in the end are consent, justification and celebration of what were simple and brutal murders. Humiliating your opponent might win you points in the gallery, but even the gallery knows better than to elect people who condone the murder of their own.
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